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TIKGi^M\\NlK ALPHAS 

ALFABETO TAGBANWA 

WITH SOME REFORMS 

CON ALGUNAS REFORMAS 



PROPOSED 

PROPU5STAS 




7:^<!>0^<i^r^ 



POR y C/ J 



NORBERTO ROMUAL 







JUDGE, 22nd DISTRICT 

JUEZ DEL 22 o DISTRITO 



MANILA 



MANILA 



Imprenta CULTURA FILIPINA' 
Oabildo. 191.— Intramuros. 



1Q14. 



TfKGiBMWNlK ALPHABET 

ALFABETO TAGBANWA 

WITH SOME REFORMS 

CON ALGUNAS REFORMAS 



PROPOSED 

PROPUESTAS 



T 
BY 

POR 



NORBERTO ROMUALDEZ 
JUDGE. 22nd DISTRICT 

JUEZ DEL 22 o DISTRITO 

MANILA 



MANILA 



Imprenia CULTURA FILIPINA' 
Oftbildo, 191.— Iniramuros. 



IQ14. 



„eH«V MOKS. sTxrHe«« 



PRELIMINARY REMARKS. 



In my trip to Puerto Piiiicesa during May last, in 
connexion with the ses!*ions of the Con it of 1st. Instance, 
I had an oppoftunity to see souae Tagbaniva (1) people, 
and to learn of their langnai^e and writing. They belong 
to a Filipino subrace who occupy a great portion of tiie 
island of Palawan and who, according to competent inform- 
ations, for theii" actual numbei- is not exactly known, are 
not less than five thousand people (2). 

Their s|)oken dialect is cognate to Bisayan, Tagalog. 
and other Filipino tongues. And their alphabet bears such 



(1). A word compound of tag, contraction of taga («of», «native 
of»], ;tnd Immra [«people», «nation>). Taga which in Tagalog is some — 
times ^tegai» or <i.t\gat> is probably derived from the Malay <ctegaT> which 
means «to establish*. In Kawi it is pronounced tega like in Tag-banwa. 
In Samoa the word tagata means «man», «resident»; and tagaia fanva 
means «resident in the country* [See «Dictionnaire Malai-s — Francais* 
by F'avre, Vienna. 1875, and «Dictionnaire Samoa-Francais- Anglais* by 
Violette, Paris, 1879]. The word banwa originated throug-h the Ma- 
lay henwa from the Arabic beni, which means «descendants*, «des- 
cent*. This name of Tagbanira they apply to themselves so as to 
indicate that they are the real natives of the country they inhabit. 
Is there any philologic relation between the Filipino taga or tega and 
the Me.xican teco used in composition as in Tecolotlan, Tecoluca, and 
Tecolete, names of cities in Mexico? 

(2). Informations from the Governor of Palawan, Mr. Dietrick, 
and from the Clerk of the Court, Mr. Venturrillo. — From an article 
published by Mr. Worcester in «The National Geog-raphic Mag-azine», 
Nov. 1913, it may be inferred that this subrace consists of about 
ten thousand members. 



OBSERVACIONES PRELIMINARES, 



En iiuestfo viaje a Puerto Piincesa en Mayo ultimo 
con motivo de las sesiones del Jnzgado de Primera Ins- 
tancia, tiivimos ocasion de conocer a algunos tagianwas (1) 
y algo de su lengua y escritura. Es una subraza filipina 
que ocupa gran pai-te de la isla de Palawan y que, se- 
giin infonnes competentes (no esta averiguado su numero 
exacto), cuenta con no menos de cinco mil almas (2). 

Su dialecto hablado es congenere del bisaya, tagalo y 
otros del pafs. Y su escrituia ofrece semejanzas tales con 



(1). Voz compuesta de tag, contraccion de taga ("de", "natural de") 
y de banwa ("pueblo", "nacion"). Taga que en tagalo algunas veces es 
tega, 6 tiga, probablemente se deriva del malayo tega que significa cesta- 
blecer.» En la lengua kawi se pronuncla taga como en tagbanwa. En la 
lengua samoa, la palabra tagata significa "'hombre", "residente", y la 
frase tagata fanua quiere decir «residente en el pais* (V, cDictionnaire 
Malais-Francais», por Favre, Viena, 1875, y «Dictionnaii*e Samoa- 
Francais-Anglais» por Violette, Paris, 1879). -La voz barnra viene del 
malayo benwa, del arabe lieni que significa "descendientes", "descenden- 

cia" Este nombre de tagbanwa se lo dan a si mlsmos los de esta 

subraza como para indicar que ellos son lo^ naturales de la regi6n que 
habitan. ^Habra relaci6n fllol6gica entre este tag 6 tega filipino y el teco 
mejicano, como en Tecolotldn, Tecoluca, Tecolote, pueblos de M^jicc? 

(2). Informes del Gobernador de Palawan, Mr. Dietrick y del 
Escribano Sr. Venturrillo — Mr. Worcester, en un articulo publicado 
en «The National Geographic Magazine*, Nov. 1913, da a entender 
que pueden llegar a diez mil habitantes. 



— Ill — 

gimilarity to the ancient Fili|)ino writing (3), that no room 
for doubt exists of its coaiunity of origin with the latter. 

At odd times, and through the kindness and knowledge 
of the dialect possessed by Mr. Manuel H. Ventui-rillo and 
by the teachers of the Aborlan Reservation, Mr. and Mrs. 
Doroteo Soberano, I became acquainted with the tongue 
and its alphabet sufficiently to enable myself to prepare 
this little work. 

Like the rest of the Filipino alphabets, the Tagbanwa 
has certain imperfections which I believe did not exist in 
the original alphabet, and are only due either to lack 
of sufficient knowledge thereof on the i^art of those who 
brought it to this country, oi- to carelessness in it succes- 
ive transmission from the ancient Malay to the intermediate 
dialects and from these to the Filipino tongues. 

On account of the number of persons using this alphabet 
(it is said that over fifty per cent of the Tagbanwas know 
it and communicate with it among themselves), I thought 
it would be useful to try some reforms which may render 
its reading easier and, perhaps, make this alphabet a more 
rapid and effectual vehicle to convey in those distant 
regions of Palawan some ideas of a higher civilization. 

The above are the motives of this work whose partic- 
ulars are briefly explained as follows; 

It being chiefly designed for the use of the Tagbanwas, 
the text has been prepared with their characters, the pro- 
posed improvements being adopted from the very begin- 
ning of the pamphlet. A transcription into the Roman 
alphabet, and translation into English and Spanish are 
given, not only to afford these people an opportunity of 
knowing the letters now used by the great majority 
(4) of their countrymen, and of seing how their words 



(3). Except the Maguindanaw and Sulu alphabet which is the Ara- 
bic-Malay, and is due to the influence of the islamism imported to Ma- 
lacca about the thirteenth century, A. D., when the first Sultan, 
Mahommed Shah, occupied that throne. 

(4). The Mangyans of Mindoro also still use their own alphabet, 
which is substantially the same as the Tagbanwa. The Mangyan cha- 
racters, howover. are more angular, probably due to the material 
in which they write, chiefly bamboo. 



- IV — 

los antiguos alfabetos fiiipinos [3], que no permiten dudar 
de su comunidad de origen con estos. 

Apiovechaiido latos libres, y gracias a la amabilidad 
y coiiociraientos del dialecto de D. Manuel H. Veiiturillo 
y de los maestros de la reserva de Aborlan, D. Doroteo 
Soberano y esposa, logtamos couocer del habla y su es- 
critura lo bastaiite paia el presente trabHJito. 

Como los deinas alfabetos fiiipinos, este adolece de cier- 
tas iin[)eifecciones que opinamos no existieron en el alfa- 
beto ociginal, y s61() se deben 6 al poco conocimiento que 
de el teiidtian los que lo importaron al pafs, 6 a descuido 
en su transmision sucesiva del antiguo malayo a los dia- 
lectos internaedios, y de estos a los fiiipinos, 

Teniendo en cuenta el numero de personas que lo usan 
actualmente (dicese que mas del cincuenta por ciento de los 
taghanwas lo conocen y se comunican en el), nos ha pace- 
cido litil intentar algnnas refonnas con cuya adopci6n se 
facilitara su lectura y se consiguiera tal vez utilizar este 
alfabeto como vehfculo mas ia[)ido y eficaz para la trans- 
misi6n a aquellas apartadas legiones de ideas de civiliza- 
ci6n mas avanzada. 

He ahi la raz6n del j)i-esente trabajo cuyos poi'meno- 
res pasamos a exponer brevemente: 

Destinado ptincipalmente al uso de los tagbanwas, el 
texto se ha escrito en sus cai-acteres adoptandose desde 
el principio las intentadas refor-mas. Hanse puesto trans- 
Cfipci6n y traducci6n al ingles y castellano. no solo para 
que aquellos habitantes tengan ocasidn de conocer los ca- 
racteies hoy dia en uso entre la gran mayoiia (4) de sus 
compatriotas y de vei" como se expresau en las lenguas mas 
generalizadas en el pais las ideas alii puestas en su dia- 



(3). Excepto el alfabeto de Maguindanaw y Suld que es el drabe- 
malayo, debido a la influencia del islamismo introducido en Malaca 
hacia el siglo XIII de nuestra era en que subio a aquel trono como 
primer Sultdn Mohammed Shah. 

(4). Los mangyanes de Mindoro tambi^n conservan su alfabeto pro- 
pio cuyos caracteres son substancialmente los del tagbanwa y otros 
fiiipinos, si bien son mas angulosos, debido tal vez al material que 
usan para sus escritos que es principalmente la caiia. 



- V — 

employed in the text are expresed in the two most ge- 
nerally used lant^uages in the Philippines, but also 
in order that those who are interested in this line 
of human culture but who are not familiar with the 
alphabet may have some information regarding this writ 
ing and its proposed reforms. 

This is an alphabet of sixteen letters, of which three 
are vewels, and thirteen consonants (5). 

In the paragraph <First/i/^ it is proposed that the 
direction in writing be hoi'izontally from left to right, as 
some of the Tagbanwas ai-e yet accostumed to write vertic- 
ally from the bottom up, with the lines beginning at the 
left (6). 

In the paragraph <-Secondly> and ^Thirdly* it is advised 



(5). I believe that the figure «A» is totally orig'nal. It has two 
elements, both integral and necessary, to wit: one like a handwritten 
«V», and a small cross made at the bottom of the first stroke or 
leg. This small cross is probably the same as the two short lines 
which this letter «A3> generally has in the Bisayan, Tagalog, and 
Ilokano alphabets. In the Pampango old writing the letter «A» has 
only one short line appended to the first leg of the first element 
near or at the bottom thereof. As it will be seen, these two short 
parallel lines of the Bisayan, Tagalog, and Ilokano «A», cross each 
other in the Tagbanwa and are placed at the bottom. Father Ci- 
priano Marcilla, in his «Antiguos Alfabetos Filipinos», page 38, be- 
lieves that this small cross is the one invented by Father L6pez 
in the seventeenth century. This conclusion does not seem to be 
well founded. I do not possess nor have I seen any Tagbanwa al- 
phabet written or published prior to the time Father L6pez planned 
his reform, but on examining the table of Mr. Pinart on which 
Father Marcilla based his opinion, one can see that the small cross 
is placed only on the vowel «Aj>, and not on any of the several 
final consonants that appear in Pinart's table, while the reform of 
Father L6pez was solely for the final consonants, and not for the 
vowels. Furthermore, such reform was not accepted by the people, 
and it seems improbable that, in spite of its unpopularity, the reform 
would spread so widely as to reach the distant places in the Palawan 
island where the Tagbanwas always have had their home. 

(6). I have not seen any Tagbanwa in the act of writing. But 
Mrs. Doroteo Soberano, who has been living among the Tagbanwas 
for some time, informs me that these people write from the bottom 
up, beginning at the left side. 



i 



— VI — 

lecto, sino tambien para que puedan informarse de esta 
escritura y de lo que sobre ella se propone, aquellos que, des- 
conociendola, se interesan por este genero de conocimientos. 

Es un alfabeto de dieciseis letras de las cuales tres 
son vocales y trace consonantes (5). 

En el parrafo <-Primero'> se propone que la direcci6n 
de la escritura sea de izquierda a derecha, horizontalinente, 
pues algunos todavia escriben de abajo hacia arriba que- 
dando a la izquierda el primer rengl6n vertical (6). 

En los parrafos ^Seginido'> y <Tercero> aconsejase que 
una de las dos formas con que actual mente se representa 



(5). La fig-ura de la A tagbanwa creemos que es original en todas 
sus partes: ella consta de dos elementos ambos indispensables 4: inte- 
grantes, a saber: uno parecido a una V manusc rita, y otro que es 
una crucecita anadida a la parte inferior de aqu(51. Esta crucecita de* 
ben de ser las mismas transversales cortas de la propia A de los 
bisayas, tagalos 6 ilokanos. En el alfabeto pampango la letra A 
tiene solo una llnea corta puesta a un lado del primer rasgo de 
la porcion principal y hacia abajo. Como se vera, las dos para- 
lelas cort&s de la A bisaya, tagala ^ ilokana, se cruzan entre si 
en la tagbanwa y se colocan debajo. El P. Cipriano Marcilla, en su 
"Antiguos Alfabetos Filipinos", pag. 38, cree que tal crucecita es 
la inventada por el P. Lopez en el siglo XVIL Nos parece poco 
fundada esta opinion. No poseemos ni hemos visto alfabeto alguno 
tagbanwa escrito 6 publicado antes de la reforma del P. L6pez; pero 
observando el cuadro de Mr. Pinart que le sirvio de base al P. Mar- 
cilla para formular su conclusion, se ve que la crucecita de referen- 
da se halla solaraente en la vocal A, y no en las varias consonantes 
finales que se encuentran en dicho cuadro, cuando consonantes eran, 
y no vocales, el objeto de la reforma de la crucecita del P. L6pez. 
Ademds, consta que tal reforma no fu^ adoptada por los naturales, 
y parece poco probable que, a pesar de no haber sido acejJtada, se 
hubiese generalizado tanto y hasta el extremo de llegar a las apar- 
tadas regiones de la isla de Palawan donde siempre ban habitado los 
tagbanwas. 

[6], No hemos visto a ningun tagbanwa escribir. Pero D.a Mar- 
garita Soberano, que ha vivido algun tiempo entre los tagbanwas 
inforraa que la escritura es de abajo para arriba. 



— VII — 

Ihat but one of the two different forms in which each of 
the letters M and liga (7) ?s written to day. be constantly 
and uniformly employed so as to avoid confusion. 

The paragra|)h ^Fourthly^ proposes the adoption of a 
figure representing the letter «^>, the sound of which is 
used in their spoken dialect (8t. And for the reasons stated 
therein, it is suggested that the letter «/«», which is now 
used to represent sai(i consonant «R>, be used as such 
consonant adding to it a small hook. The Sarabal and 
Sulu «R» Were not proposed for their form may lead 
to confusion if used in the Tagbanwa alphabet. 

The paragraphs <Flfthly> and < SiJthly* treat of 
the most imoortant reform relating to the method 
of representing the final consonants. Right here lies 
the greatest defect of all Filipino alphabets derived 
from ancient Malay, at least in the form in which 
they are known. Father Francisco- L6pez, in the Seven- 
teenth Century, planned a method of representing in 
Writing the final consonants by placing a small cross under 
said consonants. In my opinion, such reform cannot be 
regarded as consistent with the nature of our essentially 
syllabic alphabets (9). Far- from pi-etending that I have 
done better, I believe, however-, that the present reform 



(7). The author of this pamphlet has in his possession some le- 
tters written by Tagbanwas where they indiscriminately use the two 
forms of the «itf», and the two forms of the ««gtf». 

(8). The word ^pam.i1ciT'», « thought*. «opinioii», from the Malay and 
the Arabic €jjikiTi>, «to think*, and vei-y probably from the Persian ^^fi^r^^ 
which also means "thought" is now being used as a Tagbanwa word This 
and many other words bearing the sound of «R» are of daily use in 
this dialect. 

(9). It is an absolute rule in our alphabets, that every 
letter, vowel or consonant, constitutes a perfect syllable in it- 
self. I refer to the letters proper, not to the orthographic signs 
which serve as auxiliary vowels. Every consonant is sounded with 
vowel which is the «A» when no sign is used. It is the «E» or 
«I» when the sign is placed above, and «0» or «U» when the sign 
is placed under the consonant. In all of these cases, the vowel is 
sounded after the consonant, and there is, or at least I know of in 
our alphabets, no way of writing sounds where the vowel preceds the 
consonant. To si>lve this difficulty Father Lopez came forward with 



— VIII — 

cada una de las consonantes Jca y nga (7). se adopte c.on'^- 
tante y uniformemente para evitar confusion. 

En el parrafo <-CiiaTto'> se interesa la adoocion de una 
fignra que re!)fe.sente la «/?>. sonido definiti vainente usado 
en el tfighanwa oral (8). Y per las razones que se exponen^ 
se sucrjere el uso d*^ la misma consonante la, con un pe- 
quffio aditamento, ya que de ella se viene echando mano 
para reoresentar la «i?>. No se ha preferido la R sambal 
ni la joloana por-que e-^tas fi^juras pueden dar lu^^ar a 
confusi6n. 

En los narrafos ^QuintO'^ y <Sexto* se expone la reforma 
mas itnportante cual es la que se refiere al naodo de escri- 
bir las consonantes finales de si'laba. Aqui esta lo noas 
deficiente de los a.lfabetos filipinos tales como se conocen. 
El P. Francisco Li6pHZ. en el sit^flo diecisiete. ideo una ma- 
nera de rej^resentar- tales consonantes. consistente en el uso 
de una crucecita. Tal reforma nos imrece poco conforme 
con la naturaleza de nuesti'os alfabetos esencialmente silabi- 
cos (9). Lt^jos estatnos de [iretender que hemos logrado 
hacerlo mejor; pero creeinos que nuestra prO[)Osici6n no 



(7). El autor de este opiisculo posee algunas cartas escritas por 
tagbanwas donde se usan indistintamente las dos formas de la /(v/ 
y las dos de la nga. 

(8). La voz pamll'ir, "pensamiento", 'opinion", que procede del ma- 
layo y arabe "pi^ir'''', pensar, y muy probablemente del persa fil'r que 
significa tambi^n "pensamiento" tiene ya carta de naturaleza en el 
tagbanwa. Esta y otras muchas palabras que llevan sonido de H son 
de uso corriente en este dialecto. 

(9). En nuestros alfabetos es regla absoluta, que cada letra sea 
vocal 6 consonante, constituye por si sola una silaba perfecta. Nos 
referimos a las letras propiamente dichas, no a los signos ortogra- 
ficos que hacen oflcio de vocales auxiliares. Toda consonante hiere 
una vocal que es la A cuando no lleva slgno alguno, es la E, I, 
cuando el signo estd. en la parte superior, y es la O, U, si el signo 
aparece en la parte inferior. En todos estos casos la vocal suena 
despu^s de la consonante, y no hay, al menos no se conoce, modo de 
escribir sonidos en que la consonante hiera una vocal anterior. A 



— IX - 

does not run counter to the peculiar character of our 
ancient alphabets. Probably, had Father Lo[)ez applied 
his reform to the Tagbanwa ali)habet, he would have done 
what has been done in the present instance, that is to 
say. he would have taken advantage of the happy circumst 
ance of the si^n > which is the one used by the Tagbanwas 
to represent the auxiliary vowels (10)^ 

The paragraph <-Seventlily> does awny with those or- 

his reform, and I modestly offer mine. Let us take the two sim- 
plest cases, the monosyllables «MAN» and «AN>. The ancient Filipinos, 
as do now the Tagbanw«s and Mangyans, wrote these sounds with 
«Ma», i. e , they wrote the consonant cM» for the first case, and the 
vowel €A> for the second case, because if they wrote cM N» it would 
read «Ma-Na», and if they use «A N», it would read «A-Na.> Father 
Lopez, in the first example, would write cM N>, by placing the small 
cross under the «N»; and these letters would read «Ma-N» /. g., i stead 
of one syllable, two syllables, one which reads «Ma», and other which can- 
not be pronounced, because this «N> with the small cross becomes a real 
consonant, according to the physiology of the letters, for it is reduced to 
a mere barrier consisting of certain position of the organs of the 
mouth which opposes itself to the stream of air expelled from the 
lungs through the chordae vocales (See «Languages of the Seat of War 
in the East>, by Max Muller, London, 1855, p. 23). In the case of 
the syllable caN*, Father Lopez would write it «A N» by placing 
the small cross under the <N>, where we have again two syllables, 
one which is the «A> and the other the «N» which is incapable of 
of pronunciation. In this last case, the intrinsic character of the al- 
phabet is especially attacked in that an €A> is brought out and used 
hot as an independent letter as it peculiarly is, but as a mere au- 
xiliary of the «N», a function never to be given in our alphabets, 
to a vowel proper. These are possibly the reasons why the ancient 
Tagalogs refused to accept the reform of Father L6pez. Mar- 
cilia in his «Antiguos Alfabetos Filipinos*, pp. 93, 94, says: «Se consulto a 
los ladinos, leemos en la Ortografia tagala [la reforma del P. Lopez] su- 
plicandoles la adoptaseh por suya, y la usasen en sus escrituras para 
conveniencia de todos. Pero ellos despu^s de celebrarla mncho y haber 
dado muchas gracias por ella, resolvicron que no podia tener lugar 
en su escritura porque era contra la intrinseca propiedad y natura- 
leza que Dios le di6 y que era destruir de un solo golpe toda la 
Sintaxis, Prosodia y Ortografia de su lengua tagala. Pero que no 
era su animo disgustar a los Senores Espanoles, y que harian lo que 
los mandasen especialmente cuando escribian cosas de lengua Es- 
panola en sus caracteres tagalos*. 

(10). In the Baitak [Sumatra] alphabet, there are four signs re- 
presenting the auxiliary vowels cE*, «I», <0», «U». Judging from 



— X - 

atenta contra ia piopietlad peculiar de estos alfabetos. 
No seria extrafio que si el P, L6i)e7> hubiese intentado sii 
reforma sobie el tagbanwa, hnbiera hecho lo mismo que 
nosotfos, es decir, se hubiese aprovechado de la feliz cir- 
cunstancia del sij^iio > que es el que empleau los tagbanwas 
como vocal auxiliar (10). 

Ell el pairnfo <-Scptimo> se proscribeu los signos orto- 



ocurrir esta dificultad vino la reforma del P. Lopez, y modesta- 
raente proponemos la nuestra. Tomemos los dos casos mas sen* 
cillos, los monosflabos MAN y AN. Los antiguos filipinos y hoy los 
tagbanwas y manfyanes los escribirian Ma y A, es decir, con la sola con- 
sonante M en el primer caso, y con la sola vocal A en el segundo, pues si 
ponen M N, seria Ma-Na, y si ponen A N, seria A-Na, El P. Lopez, 
en el primer ejemplo, escribiria M N poniendo la crucecita debajo de 
la N, letras que se leerian Ma N, es decir, en vez de una, dos sflabas, 
una que es Ma, y otra que es la N que en este caso no se puede 
articular, pues con la crucecita se le quita la vocal que heria, 
reduci^ndose esta N a lo que en la teoria fisiologica de las letras 
se conoce por consonante, esto es, la mera barrera u obstaculo 
consistente en cierta posicion de las organos de la boca y que se 
opone a la libre emision de la corriente de aire procedente de los 
pulmones a travds de las cuerdas vocales. (V. «The Language of the 
Seat of War in the East*, por Max Muller, pag. 23, Londres: 1855.) 
En el caso de la silaba aN, el P. Lopez pondria A N colocando de- 
bajo de la N la crucecita, con lo que tendrfamos de nuevo dos sflabas: 
una que es la A y otra que es la propia N inarticulable. En este 
segundo caso se atenta especialmente contra el caracter intrfnseco 
del alfabeto en cuanto se trae una A y se hace uso de ella, no como 
letra independiente segiin su verdadera naturaleza, sine como mera 
auxiliar de la N, funcion que en nuestros alfabetos nunca se da a 
las vocales. Todo esto tendrian tal vez en cuenta los antiguos taga- 
los, al no aceptar la reforma del P. Lopez, segiin lo trascribe el 
P. Marcilla [obra citada, pag 93 y 94]: "Se consulto a loa Ladinos, 
leemos en la Ortografia tagala, [la reforma de Lopez] suplicandoles 
la adoptasen por suya, y la usasen en sus escrituras para convenien- 
cia de todos. Pero ellos, despu^s de celebrarla mueho y haber dado 
muchas gi^acias por ella, resolvieron que no podia tener lugar en 
su escritura porque era contra la intrinseca propiedad y naturaleza que 
Dios le di6 y que era destruir de un solo golpe toda la Sintaxis, 
Prosodia y Ortografia de su lengua tagala. Pero que no era su 
Animo disgustar k los senores espanoles y que harian lo que los 
mandasen especialmente cuando escribfan cosas de lengua espanola 
en sus caracteres tagalos.> 

(10). En el alfabeto battak de Sumatra, los signos que hacen 
oficio de vocales auxiliares son cuatro, correspond ientes d la E, I, O, U. 



— xr — 

thographic signs which become unnecessary with the 
extensive use of paper among the Tagbanwas, and if the 
paiHgraphs and words are written separately, and if some of 
the Latin orthographic signs are resorted to. 

The paragraph ^EigJithly* proposes that tlie Arabic 
figures for numbers be adopted, inasmuch as the Tagbanwa 
writing lacks numeral for-ms. 

The foregoing aie the reforms proposed in writing the 
Tagbanwa dialect. But in order that this alphabet may 
also be used in writing words from other dialects and 
languages, the following is proposed in the paragraph 
^Ninetlily'>: 

1. To adoi)t the Bisayan and Tagalog «/^^» for the 
sound of the Spanish </>. 

2. To use the Tagbanwa <.wa-> slightly appended with 
a small hook to represent the sound of <V*. 

3. 4. 5. and 6. To combine and join the corresponding 
consonants to represent the sounds of C, Z, F, N, and 
the combinations BL, CL, CH. X, ND. PR, etc. taking 
into consideration the phonetic values of the letters (11). 

7. To use a dot to indicate the different Spanish vowels. 

Finally, a transcri|)tion is given of part of a «C()m- 
pendio* of a ^Doctrina Cristiana> written in the dialect, to 
be used as examoies and exercises. 



the striking- Identity of the figure, there is no doubt that the > (one 
xii these signs) representing the sound of «U» has been kept by the Tag- 
banwas for their general auxiliary vowel, while the Bisayan, Tagalog, 
Pampango, Pangasinan, Ilokano, and Sambal kept the dot which was a 
small circle in the Batfak and corresponded to the «I». and the Mang- 
yans kept the horizontal short line, like a hyphen, which in the Bat- 
tak represents the vowel «E». The Battak sign representing the «(^», 
and which resembles a very low «x», and whose branches are not 
straight but slightly curved, is not found in any of the Philippine 
alphabets. These Battak signs may be seen in the Malay-French 
Dictionary by Pavre, Vol. I, p. XVII. 

(11). In the Battak alphabet, some ligaments are made of letters 
and sign.s, but none of letters and letters (See Pavre, Malay-French 
Dictionary). But in the Indo-Bactrian writing, ordinary and monu- 
mental as well, letters are joined with letters, as in the case 
of*«A» and «N» joined, which I have seen in some unpublished 
notes of Dr. Paul L. Stangl, of Manila. 



— XII — 

graficos natives, que resultan innecesarios con el uso del 
papel, ya exteiidido entre los tagbanwas, y si al escribir se 
separan debidamente los parrafos y palabras y se emfilean 
en su lugar algunos signos ortograficos latinos. 

En el parrafo ^Octavo* se propone la adopci6n de los 
guarismos arabigos, ya que la escritura tagbanwa carece 
de cifras numerales. 

Hasta aqui las reformas propnestas para escribir las pala- 
bras del dialecto tagbanwa. Pero para que con este alfabeto 
se puedan tambien escribir voces deotros dialectos e idio- 
mas, se propone en el parrafo <KoveiW> lo siguiente: 

1. Adoptar la Tia bisaya y tagala para el sonido de la /, 
castellana. 

2. Emplear la wa tagbanwa, adicionada. para represen- 
tar el sonido de la V. 

3. 4, 5, y 6. Enlazar las consonantes correspondientes 
para escribir los sonidos de la <C», «Z>, «P>, «;?}'», y las 
combinaciones «BL> <CL>, <CH>, «X», «ND>, «PR», etc., 
teniendo en cuenta el valor fonetico de las letras (11). 

7. Usar ei puntillo para denotar el sonido de las vo- 
cales espaflolas. 

Finahnente, por via de ejemplos y ejercicios. p6nese 
despues la transcripci6n de una parte del <Corapendio 
de la Doctrina Cristiana* escrito en el dialecto. 



Dada la identidad de la figura, no puede dudarse que los tagbanwas 
conservaron como vocal auxiliar general el signo > que en el 
battak corresponde d la vocal U, mientras los bisayas tagalos, pam- 
pangos, pangasinanes, ilokanos, y sambales, conservaron el puntillo que 
en el battalc es un pequeno circulo que representa la I, y los mang- 
yanes la rayita horizontal, parecida al guion, del batfok y que 
corresponde en este alfabeto a la vocal O. El signo hattalc co- 
rrespondiente a la O el cual se asemeja a una X aplanada y cuyos 
palos no son rectos sino algo curvos y cruzados con sus concavidades 
coincidentes, no se encuentra ya en ninguno de los alfabetos filipinos. 
Estos signos del battalc pueden verse en el diccionario malayo-fran- 
c6s de Favre, tomo I, pAg, XVII. 

(11), En el alfabeto battalc se enlazan letras con signos, pero no 
letras con letras [V. Fabre, obra citada]. Pero en el Indu-bactriarto 
se enlazan letras con letras, como en el caso de la A y N enlazadas 
entre si que hemos visto en unos apuntes in^ditos del Dr. Paul L. 
Stangl, de Manila. 



— XIII — 

Such is the httle work now presented to the public, 
and particularly designed for the Taj^banwas. Although 
they may at the beginning i-eceive these reforms with 
scant enthusiasm, it is hoped, however, that after underst- 
anding them, after satisfying themselves of their usef.uiness, 
and after sufficiently practicing the same, they will some 
time adopt them. That this may be so, and that it may 
help their moral and material betterment, is the earnest 
desire of 

THE AUTHOR, 



— XIV — 

Tal es el fcrabajito que se presenta al publico, dedicado 
especialmente a los tagbanwas. quienes acaso al, principio 
acojan con poco eiitusiasmo estas reformas; pero se confs'a 
que, despues de coicprenderlas, penetrarse de su utilidad y 
practicarlas .suficienteinente. acabaran por adoptarlas gusto- 
sos. Que asi sea. y que ello reduiide en su raejoramiento 
moral y material, es c>iH.nto desea 

EL AUTOR 



■9 



(tram JCRIPTION) /*/rf-^i7 AtJ- n/ a pa^ ^eZ/ni'-tujx A-a.i-tr'. 

(KN6I-ISH) SieXt-e/iy^ 'UAzh oJt pc«A£^r\Z: 

3^ i^Tz^T-T^. y. ^ yo 

"a-^a Aorj ^ sa -fan - ie. . 



Oft ^on at /^fe^ ^ 



^ ^ ^ >o ^ 

^f/- pa ^<T- ^*^ - ^c^fz ^ - iu a Ara- sn - r-^itf t — 

^^^ ~ /7a - &u - ^ay / ATa^ - ju - ni^a^, 

pro/* ontL ^o Jia t4*'ent& . 



-3- 

tra -nttn, Jt^—tu^ /fa. /ria-^a /fan-Jt -/a. ^>^aitf ^tii - n' -Af^^ 

^tX4j4vt , tike St9C(,n.\,OUti>4 a,vth CX*r«.«.tic«.»-w> 6c 

Set -bap Van. frra-ru-ay ""?/ ^a-paf- /ca ka -ra - fas. 

bcco(AA/OA it l^ ecxMxttX, cc*vb ^yxatt. ^uitftftlc ^tftftg pApe/t-, 
/vcfe^ e^ rna'j ftfe// y mcis a^fa/ittie/o <=t/ it So 'Ve'/ pa^p/ . 

vytittcrt oi.6»otiA.tci*f V'M:ticiK\\y,ruft (ike ^i^, to (Xi>«t<^ 

6 fen teyai^Tat^a , ^o "•**'", para <^e 

T Tp^Oty^y^'^'r f" ^-T^^z^^^ ?zA^^T ^ y^ 

^a mn-da -ft -aa -wan f^^ da-Zctx-tf^t^ u-ij-tan. a /z 

??ia/ - tit - ^an. /*> Sa-u-n-an/. 
vyill be ^ee-n t^act^r. 

■ie t^era friai ^<^e/aj^fg, 

^T^-f^.^' -^ ^^V j^ ^^^ z/^07k>=>- 

^~ ketf- - lu , — Ya /cu-i'f^ ^ ^^ rrta-itili -^a . 

Terfeit . — /■<» /etia " puet/c' eon/un - 



/ 



3/i-je ca/n f^ Intra Ta ^ /la/- eafh^ cieie s/e^^p/'e <=^- 



a-iu-uuf- a ^ a ^a-/m-iurt na-^a Aa-t - ti . 

bCivrilf^n tlfv-t^^ ^ which, i/i jcC^o vLOe6 ^nctv. 

criSifSe. <»*/ y^> ^I'gcjra f-ue /arrrli en Seuta/rcv cCi'tx. . 



*4- 

I - /cap - £t/. — In su-/rvu. ra./- ^/ca A^-u/7-s/ -''a^ 
Cuar/if. — pAra eirriSir e/ Some/o '^a /« 

tAT T'z/'ir^ -/-T?^^ -/- -^.z^'h ^ ^yT ^ 

Vt i/d co^^tA-t-vian^iA >u>w f<» ttniytfft/ t<t« i*ttcz /^ "Tot, 

T<3uj6<i*wvoc'. tXc*^ , ccmtfnoi <K< cH,ncie-n\r pi(ii>itxo act" 

r^t a y^^^ st-ti^ pa, ya si~£trn iaf ^ JT 

kab -th-U ^tnt, _ attx^ *hat^ of *he SixCt* ocnS irtcc^^Airv- 

it^i^i'a e-i/a /oi mmj ^ y /«» c/c/ af^abeTo Jo/oano y "'e Ala- 

ai n - aa - nat/i/ - /^lun Cli ka-i- ^, »• a ^a - r i S Aa rrta- 

^ H. in a/a. n Q.^ V<^B,^<^ <'J/'a o/ra^ '^-ce.ti /oi o/-e</i c t^i"/ 

/cf-ui4. t^ ^iit - >i\^ ^a ( ~ a ~ ra ' i/ ^ /a A'a ua. S/ - arn- 



-5- 



7/^7/^ TT^T T/^'-t^ Zr^^TT^T"*^ t/^OZ<y>^-T T 

Ur oKoutA be o^dcd »Vi*K a. fa.l( Like <Kio 4A««^, 









yo - f(Ol , *'yi'Zif y« hu -/Cttr^ /U/~^ -Sit -fjt —nan « yrttf-S^ ACaf.- 



-6- 



y^a/t/e. -f '^'frni/tan. eon. foe^/ 

6se^ t < - hu - /kff a't ya /<:om - so - /mn -7e^ ^^a-a/i 

ti'kjz. /£« «»«e M'tA.tt^t. with, iive c^f^o-nouxt atton-c^^f^ouX 



Jf -ck« siowii Oik- Ike en<> i^ 

5/ /« yocA/ f/na/ e^ 



■tj-rrn <Ofno en- 



2K-T O^><o-T ^ ?zA'^'T j/^ -/- {rb^"^. ^ 

/lay 5u-7a '^an. l l4-// ~ fan a ^ /f-^ ^i{,- lA'aT. A - 

wi. i^fotct <.Ki£ -y'y-cnn, aJt cjve ^op . Fot- 

/Oont.rrt O S </ Si^ne ^n ci ma . Por 

< 

//tn - 6a - i^a. ^ ^ *^ ' ' y^ «/^ i^O-J^i^/ Ara. 

e^eacmpCc. u ^- -■ 3f -the vowel u.lr tKe 



i<J-u-ff -art » Su~6c<^ ^A ^ /^i^f - IfU-tz -Sari i 

end l/i tx*v ^ ^ ay> l*^ vV*- pfjuce- -ci^e 






u -^f -fan ^a &aha. ^ - ^'^" ~ 6a- h^tr. 

-dig**. bciow ' fat e«««.Mvple'. , 

Sl^^o debajo- For eJe.rn/^/o . tu - /u /Z^ - Su 



£^ra. ryia^^'a /^ctmil C4 b 



t-t e.ri <x 



-r- 

Pmro Cuai^rfa -<** Uf^v^'^JiXi- ^ y /a. yotat fire - 

*/ sort, c/ a -"o /r.€yt e/^€ ese//6irse. £^^ eiTe. caso 

CjOl^'C <K.e c»'*X'dor\0>^n.t ■^h0'i4.(^ fee wt-ltten. ix-t^-^c 

eS'-i '(>a.s < fHfr>tiif< So/a. /a CtPn so/i ctnTe. y 

ff(7 -/tti -fl<n ^a-^iz ■y^ «/-//_ fiin^ 'fa-;('ci (:ta-//S~ i/i^^'Un^ Stfhuff 

i«-t^o aunh ivitk -tike -^i^rv >««;^t;«4Cie<N -^ke 

-y-z^^^ z/^O'2/r Ot/:zA<:^ TT 2^ ^>^J^, ;^ 






7^ ^^ ir^T T^-Z^ o-^ 



3^ -dirie '^voyft.i ' A^i th^i- one «.!' fk*s Occfi*^t^in^ , 

/?/■ , /<3 >^oea.l ^ es /or ^f^^g es/d ^/ fyr,„ n'^io ^ 









«*f ^2^ 



xy cu -am JTa nan ~ SO - /^ an - ce , ^'^ na-e-t>-, 

y et •*n9///» t/r /« eon tonan^e , a s t'. 




a.yr7 - /Oi< ■^ — /^^ - t^^z, ■tf^~a[- <:^e - a^-t. 



fin de. 



riO\r to ctfyifgiA.n(i ihe v*'rit<'»*^ vv>t^ -Jivott wfit-ix -tK* tVM^el i^ aU' "Ckc 

^t> C0n/tjnWir es^e cASt con <?/ e;^ ^^^ti /« lyora/ es/ia. af ^I'tct/ 

-»->f<»y eJcr-aa 6i^-/a-aatn v ■u - /i —Tan. 



tzsar 



Sortitfoi en f-<^e /« yaca^ ejTtz en/re 



/r^ i«^ ^t-^^ ^ 't<!>/r - so - na/7 - Tir ^ Jt^ - ^^^ ^<r t - tec , 



A-at t^an. /^ 






^ Tz^^'-T ?y^ q-/-,T j^ /'z^^'^T. -/-z/^t^^ y- 



y^ y,T_AT7, -ta-n ' 


^c/ -A'/y^ in 


« - // - ;^« . 


/f^ / - // ^ 


/Ca 


Qotn.*. 'yxt-W -dijvu 


;^ 


v*/d«^. 


-JtcvV, 


Xn, 


tci^ a/ff^rt 


■s,'j7;^» 


*»««♦■<». 


/$>r0'a biett^ 


en. 



-9 






//v/r - 



<x^^ T-yxcet" eoKrk- iftU.cz, j -tfve,^;,.^c< ^ t«;l- <%^« 

fT^-^a >yiay f -'3'u -pa -nt<^7. ya -r^i/f-^^t U -A -/an. at. ^T^^ a/- 



— u ^ > 



Ue. plvLctd Ctt «-k^ fop wA«rt <^^ / t« ■«Jt<t voH'ijl betU^ee^rt. 

/ - l>u - taJ /rit /M Tu -^i4 -ari. Aa i^^ i^a £l /Car^ - so - fla.'7-i -^ 

Dicfio Siarto e/f i> ^ eo/oe^/i e ■rftrtt'^io •'■'^r /as cfos ro'-'son ^/^ fe}, si 

/n §^ yq yo-Aa/ /I ~ /iW, - 6a - l^T . iAs C/^ t '^S / 

es ^ /a re/ejfWa '-era/. for ejcm^/o. f^r,.L^.~ '*^^^ 



-10- 






-h7^7/lj^ 



p/e, /tt4.r — Sud . 






ir^/// 



Ya-/fa i>u - /o ^ - 6u -/a - ai^cTL. y'^ -^^r/r-^^ 

Al>0<9, 3* '»»of t4-*c <x-»i(^ CcM^et' -vK,*, -dla«« 1^^ <»t 

bu-/<>^n a P^f ^^-fm-fTtn- /fa-/-Y' /ca. rrr-a^ /""^ -f-u- ^^ff 

e^^:^"^, t^O-2^ Zy^-T y 7^>o -^^^2/Cir^ 2:P^ 

/P/OS <^* /« CicriiXira Soire. Ca.ir^ /s^ra. c/^r a co/iocAr' 



'li- 



o-M-d aJ- **t-« ^^<>, ^u^c ex. paitt,t 

If ' y ' ■» ^ X ^ 



iuk. af- M^-,-/,, • //. 



^^- 



Like tki^. If ^ (>^ri-c/c Td o^opY- ^a^^c 



;» J> 



dart iive -T^rt^w*!.^ cicAe, at« cft-eo*., ^<»t ^fvtrxAr 

f<MCi /i /an. /ct /e cTt^ fat cor-r-to esfo^ yrn^/zn /?tsc'<.'Sa 

yt-a^^od ; — for ■OOf.Oi/Zm.tlarL. 

rc( e/ -/"^aJ ; - /t*j a se/T*''^'- 

f ^yt^-^tM. /Cti - i-i/- bat*/ -y^a-a^^ ^m -/>crS ^— A:a. 



Ci«^*v\k^ . - 3h jLo coriVCiaiervi' to Ct^opt in. eox</n.iin.a^ 

-cA-e (Xt-A^tc S)^iey.*^a^ wk^cix follow. 

/,^S fi'^^i-ixs o'-c'(„j„s, f-^e sen /aJ siy*^,enfgs. 

i oyui.;- ^^ two;- fl <An^e.;- J^ ^v^ /- 

c^moo;- Je/j,- S'ere,— <!>e/!o ■^~- 

•TtMxtU^Uj. — 3^ Ot&a/t <U4,t S^'yn.tl ^f\ccn.\sW, CUriC- 



-/-'T ^^<j/^ q-^^T ^J/^ 3^>^ <2^^2/C''>> j/^ '^^ir>J' -t^ 

t>n^/esiis, ere 'KS'r</aj Pri r/ ■ 



•13- 






flit: 27:oc^> c/'^^ 

no.. z^'*"" e/e'n^/o ■ Z — ^^ — ^'^ Mul — yd 






v*» «hv4 vo^i. Fat. tMO/yyipte,^ 



^• 


7^*^ 


- j: ^ 


> 




— 3. (Phjt. 


y'^ 


-X-^2/ 


S. ^f 



I 



-u- 

A'-P/* -~ ih.e — /ta/^ — ^- ^/ yo^iWo a't. 

f^ > X ^ V- 

T*»«M rH<*M^ c«t4»<, fife t*'t>t'rf**t. A* i*i Cyt-^'fl*^h, vyt'dt. J?" 

/lero fa^nliett an/at 9</a^ e.n ejAi /orr>,M ' /hr ef R*-r^^/o 

Dx r i — ^- ^f- ^*- 

r/ter - frttn J — /»A*< — ^'***' _^ >f^/ J-rf. 

^^^ ^<« /ft'-an-f,' — /i*/" J^ ^ -sn ~ rtx^ A^a. / ^^ ^ ^ - 

/f/Wm <^t /a, t-s/y^rf^y*, c-ort. /as ^"^ y at^/tx<^. 



-iS- 






^ac^ 'fit', .7 /^, ejC^'/^/e, 



pro - y/^ r/— ^ — 7. Ya //'-^T,a a /^^- 

a e i o u 

y i^ i^- ? ? 



16- 





u 


> 




ru/. 


y'" 




/'e^a.. 


^*^-^T 


jhtyi^ 










7^2 -. 






'''y —A" «-»« -ac/- c/^ — /it ^ 'f ''>fa- a^ _ y i*.^^ 

ta } -41; enf/ffj^an Cr>n /or/a c/af/^tn^ pot^ci^J* •«» a«>r> //Vi^^ - 

<M e/y t/c f^ g^ ♦vki til, >A4»v4.C<} ^e t:*a:^ . 



-17- 

Cafrz/T^ndt'o 
<^ ia Doctri'. 
"^ C/'/sT/'a/ra 

/rartf. <AS9c^^ /trs ^^ /^e<roLeto~^ 

■< ■ ci^icton 
A/acrrt/a, Quo- 
<f a Ill/1 e. Ana- 
del >Sen'or/8Z9. 



?T^t^ -2/^ dr.Tz/^r^T .' - -z/^ ^;? ^ oT^rzy^r^T 

^"T^ry^ t^ 2/'z^^zro<T -^ z^>^ ot^tz/^T'T ? - 2/^ -y^^'r 
t/^T y^ ^z{\ y ^ir^ ^.?_ Z''^ z^-2/^ -r^-z^->^u^z<^^r 

Z^T 2^ ^2A.T -^ 2?'-^'^Z^?--Z^ z/?Z<Z<^i^ ^«;^^. 

z/^ yz^ ^^^ / - ^?, ^^^ y ^^ f- 



-/- 



y Z/^y Z^-hl/?Z< -r T. 

^TZ/^ C^^^i^ Z^<^ i>- Z^'T ^O^i^ -/-I^T y^ i/^i^z/iz/C'71'7^?-'^- 

2^2<^^^ -/ -/U^Jrz^ i^^T^^-l/o z^T^KO^^. 

z<'T i/ii*»zA,{P -/- ■^2<^i^<,^ ? Tgi^<T -7^ -/--Tz/^ y^>o^ ^^ 
■^ -i^r-zAj^-i^^^ 1/^ ^^*2A> zA:^1r= Z^T7A,'T 7^ Z^T:>oT -z/^. 

-/ ^^ , ^^ y i/^z/^ '^^ ^2<i''>5 i^i^'Z/^ y 2/fz^-^ . 

'l/^ -^^y y -^z<-T y o^ z^ ^i^z/^ ir; ^ ?T^T z/^-^.'-f?, 
-T- fT;r y ^^7 ^ 

y z^-^T -^ Z<'ir^ -z/^ . 

T^z^i^ -/- -/A01Z---T /- ^^^ v-,^?/c ^^.-J^ T^z^>p y z^izfir^ -^z^iri 

-^i/? y l^ y »^rzz^ -/t/TyyoV^TA^^T' ■¥- ^■ir-P'T'. ^ 

^^^ ^.Ti^ % ^4^ y Z^ -ZA'TZ^'^^ -^ TirT.T ^T -^ Z< •)o'ir' . 



-19- 

-K'iri^-ir t/^ ^TfrT' -/- -r'TzA, y Z'tT/^z^ y y>^ z^^>ct, -z^^^t zx^t 

^T ^^ ^ ^^<;^ -/- -{^z^i y- ^x' ^pC2/v y Ot.tza>T''7^.'- 

^r ;^z/s> yo bz<y •/■ -^^^^ v- 7/^>' 2/<.7^ y z/')^ ot^ti/^T'T, *^/^ 
-/■ ^z^'f" T- ot^tt/'^t-t ^ - 2^y9'Z^>>z^'''^ -zhz/t: y ■z^z^i^ -^ y-z^z/^ 

-/ ^ Zi-i^ Z/Q>'7^ -f- ^<oir"l^ -f-ii^Zfz/f'T y t^^i:* i^t<, iH z/' -^^ T^Z^ -i^ 

*' > > 

y^T'T y -/^2^i^^, y 2^2^'rT^z!r y- ^t^, ^r^^ 2/© 2/f a^-;^ ~ 
tr^ 6r/rt/3T'T y yt^»2A:i^>i> -/ -^Tz^ y i^yf o<^ y yzfz/^^ 

> « •> » 

Z^'^ -2/: ■z<z/^''T y- *e^^<2/7 -^ B^'^^k^z/i z^ t4■nAs^>^Ti^ 
-^tA/z^ i^l -^ i^i^zP y ^Z/1 ^'2/^ ti^iriy y ir-^. 



-20- 

&<Z/^'T zP^^TTZ/^,^ 3^'-Z/^ /rf'T,'^ -^ ^^2<Ca2^-0, ^'^G ^2^ 3^7^^ 

5-^-r> :^ -d^'i/^ -^z/^T/QT'T J/' -B^^^zAo t^ ' zA t^Ti^^oz^T-r yz< T -^ Z^zy^ 
7^'^ ^ -/-T/i-zAT'-^ ^ X^^'^ •'' - •^ -7"^^^ ^^ ^z<'>i^ y qi^'>».- 

Tir^T'T yT^ ■^^Z^^'^x^-' 2^ Z^-^ZP:-^ Z/^ 'Z<'T i^,'P2^Zy7'Zi^ ^' 

-y i"^/? 7 -/ yx' -^7/?i<. T.T y T^ T'T y^ z<D i-^ 'i^ z/T' t /x <j^ t-/ ^/^ 
'zr-f-'i^tf, t^i^t^'T y vo-^y^ y -^T -i^^T^z^ J-y-r y-A^'T z<^z/i- 
^; z^ ■z?~-^t<'^ir' ^2^:7^^ y- 2^>' z/?z<y>. 



21- 



* > < .> 

^2^ ? ^'^'i^z^^^Vi; ^^T/o T i^i^^jr^ IC-^^ ^'2^^ 



-zz- 



z^'2^, z/^ ^'•:?' ^^z^ta-/- 7^ -i^oi^o^ y^z"^ -b^'T ot^2/i, ¥- t*A -^^zf - 

2^f5>^^ '-2^zi<'^ y^Z^ ■/-Ici^^'-T^ Z^ ;y-^ jr'^-/-Z/?viTT,T. 

y^ y^^ ■^2/:t 

^; +,Voir' -f-i^T -Z/^ c^TZ^<T Z^ ; ■i^f^'T^Z^ -2/9 T-^^ z/' -/-zP^ 
T^^-T^-A, -/-'Pi^ ^/ 7^ ^>?'^. ^-KtoVT" -^ <2K'Z^"r> <^^-r> z^ 



-23- 

y' ^'T o<^ t' ^>o"i7 -2^^2/0 y-ir-^^. 'ZfT>%'ir'^-^ ^y-T''^ c^^/^- 
-hAA/i i-> -^ q/^i-' 'TirT 1^ y^T^-f- ^,^ -/-It^T y<^/l<.<T: -^ ■tr2<- 

^.v V- -HAp^^-^, -T^T^^ir^ -trr^z^oyo ; ^^7;>3^^^ :^x' -t^^^^^^^ 
^ i?^y / -^^ :^ ^2?^!:;. ;^'7«>^^^^/ ^^.t/o z^.Ti^ 2>^- 

'Z^-^fT,'^ }^i^i^ ^^1^2/? ^-Z^V^i^.^yi^^T C^t/l2/?. 

y^-fo t?2^TT ty i/^yo ^7>/- '7' 7/^: ;^'^ -y'T'^ -h-y" -^Ti^ <y? *y^, 

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I 



/ 



THE CHINESE IN THE 
PHILIPPINES 

By WILLIAM L. SCHURZ 

University of California 



REPRINTED FROM "THE PACIFIC OCEAN IN HISTORY" 
BY H. MORSE STEPHENS AND HERBERT E. BOLTON. 
THE MACMILLAN COMPANY, PUBLISHERS, NEW YORK 



Copyright, 1917, By The Macmillan Company. 



HFNF 



:PHt::Na 



THE CHINESE IN THE PHILIPPINES 

William L. Schurz 

After the failure of the plans for a Spanish spice monopoly in 
the East Indies, the introduction of trade with China determined 
the economic history of the Philippines for two and a half centuries. 
Each year the Chinese brought great quantities of silks and other 
rich commodities from Amoy and other ports to Manila, whence 
they were forwarded to Mexico by the famous Manila Galleon, 
or " China Ship." But the Chinese trade brought with it probably 
the most serious problem for the internal administration of the 
colony.^ It is the first instance, on any considerable scale, of a 
Caucasian-Mongolian race question, with all the phases of social, 
economic, and political antagonisms that such a contact of peoples 
so different has only too often carried with it. It is a long tale 
of suspicious and morbid fears, of risings and sanguinary retali- 
ations and expulsions, with years of quiescence between the 
periods of violence and panic. iThe Spaniards early realized the 
peril that accompanied the presence of so many Chinese in the 
city and took measures to prevent any disastrous consequences 
therefrom. For this reason Governor Gonzalo Ronquillo built 
the Parian, or quarter where the Chinese who remained in the 
city were required to remain.^ However, before 1628 the Chinese 

I > On the Chinese in the Philippines see Berthold Laufer, The Relations of the 
' Chinese to the Philippine Islands (Washington, 1907). This monograph is partic- 
ularly valuable because of the use of Chinese materials. Blumentritt, Die Chinesen 
aufden Philippinen (Berlin, 1887). Blumentritt's work is largely based on Caspar 
de San Agustin and on the compilation from Mallat of Buzeta y Bravo. Jordana y 
Morera, La inmigracion China en Filipinas (Madrid, 1888). David P. Barrows, in 
Census of the Philippine Islands, 1903, I, 479-491. 

' "In this city were also some shops kept by Sangleys, who lived here in order 
to sell the goods which they kept here from year to year. These Sangleys were 
scattered among the Spaniards with no specific places assigned to them until 
Don Gonzalo Ronquillo allotted them a place to live in and to be used as a silk 
market (which is called here Parian), of four large buildings. Here many shops 
were opened, commerce increased and more Sangleys came to this city." Bishop 
Salazar to the King, June 24, 1590, Blair and Robertson, The Philippine Islands, 
vol 7, p. 220. 

214 



THE CHINESE IN THE PHILIPPINES 215 

had begun to live outside the Parian "to the great danger of 
the Spanish population." ^ At this time Christian Chinese, or 
those married to Christians, were permitted to live in the quarter 
of Mindonoc, which, considering the usual motives for conversion, 
was a dangerous concession.- Chinese settled in the provinces 
surrounding Manila and were even more widely scattered about 
the islands.^ Though the law required that the Chinese who came 
to Manila on the champans should return with them as soon as 
the favorable monsoon arose, after the discharge of the cargoes 
and their delivery to the pancada committee, this was early re- 
laxed. Licenses were then required for permission to stay in 
Manila,* while the number of those who might stay was limited 
in 1620 to six thousand.^ The number of those who might come in 
a single champan was also limited. jThe failure to enforce these 
restrictions brought about the cond^ition which led to the extreme 
and violent expedient of expulsion. By 1588 there were ten thou- 
sand Chinese in Manila,® and when Morga sent twelve thousand 
back to China in 1596, he declared that as many more remained 
in the city.^ Forty years later Grau y Monfalcon informed the 
King that there were about thirty thousand Chinese and Japanese 
in the city.^ When such numbers are compared with the few 
hundred Spaniards in Manila the potential gravity of the situation 
for the latter is evident. 

Although the Spanish policy throughout was uncertain and in- 
consistent, they early came to accept as almost a necessary and 

/ 1 King to Audiencia, August 17, 1628, A. de I., 105-2-12. 

! * Anda declared that "even the padres" confess that the Chinese accept oon- 
j version only to be allowed to marry in Manila and to carry on business there. 
Anda to Arriaga, July 7, 1768, A. de I., 108-3-17. Converted Chinese were also 
exempted from the payment of tribute for ten years after conversion, and after 
that time paid at the low rate at which the natives were assessed. Recopilacidn, 
lib. 6, tit. 18, ley 7. This was issued by Philip IV. June 14, 1627. 

3 Pedro Calderon Enrfquez to the Governor, June 16, 1741, A. de I., 68-5-16. 
Enrlquez gives four thousand as the number of heathen Chinese in the Parian; 
there were also some in the huertas of Tondo and at Cavite. 
I •• Recopilacidn, lib. 6, tit. 18, ley 2. 

I ^ Ibid., ley I. "Que el mimero de los Chinos sea muy moderado, y no exceda 
de seis mil, pues estos bastan para servicio de la tierra, y puedon resultar de au- 
mentarse los inconvenientes que se han experimentado . . . que los Chinos y 
Japoncs no sean tantos, y los que huviere vivan con quietud, temor y sujecion." 
i ' Audiencia to the King, B. and 11., vol. 6, p. 316. 

\ ' Morga to the King, July 6, 1596, B. and R., vol. 9, 266. 

\ 8 King to Governor, February 29, 1636, A. de I., 105-2-12. In 1621 there were 
> over 16,000 licensed Chinese in Manila and 5000 unlicensed. Governor Fajardo 
'; de Tenza to (lie King, September 21, 1621. 
I 
I 



216 THE PACIFIC OCEAN IN HISTORY 

permanent part of the colony's life the presence of a limited 
number of Chinese.^ Their skill and sober industry were needed 
in the trades and in the shop-keeping business of the city, which 
they virtually monopolized. Although they were to be duly 
restricted within the bounds of the Parian, considerable freedom 
of movement about the city seems to have been permitted during 
the day, but at night they were expected to retire to the Parian.^ 
A cedula of the late date of 1780 granted royal sanction to this 
custom.^ 

Benevolent provisions were made to protect the rights of the 
Chinese, just as the famous New Laws were issued earlier to se- 
cure good treatment of the American Indians.^ An alcalde mayor 
was appointed especially to administer the government of the 
Parian, while a Chinese official was permitted considerable juris- 
diction in cases between Orientals.^ 

The Dominican friars exerted their great influence in favor of just 
treatment, and the governor was constituted the especial protector 
of the Chinese, with supreme authority in matters of government 
and administration.^ 

However, with the usual admirable legal provisions for safe- 
guarding the rights of an "inferior" race, there was the same 
customary evasion by those interested in their violation. Spanish 
officials were often arbitrary in their treatment of the Chinese. 
The inspectors of the champans harassed the merchants with 
exactions,^ and even went to the extent of removing the masts 

' 1 Morga, "Sucesos," B. and R., vol. 16, p. 195. 

* Recopilacidn, lib. 6, tit. 18, ley 13. 
» April 28, 1780, A. de I., 105-2-9. 

* These comprise the larger part of the thirteen laws of the Recopilacidn, lib. 6, 
tit. 18, entitled: "De los Sangleyes," " Es justo, que viniendo esta gente d con- 
tratar, sea acariciada, y reciba buen acogimiento, para que llevando d sus tierras 
buenas nuevas de el trato, y acogida de nuestros vasallos, se aficionen otros d venir, 
y por medio de esta comunicacion reciban la Doctrina Christiana, y profesen 
nuestra Santa Fe Catolica, A que se dirige nuestro principal deseo, 6 intencion. 
Mandamos a los Gobernadores, que vista la substancia de estos agravios, den las 
6rdenes necesarias, para que se remedien tales inconvenientes y no consientun, que 
sobre lo contenido en ellos, ni otros de ninguna calidad reciban los Chinos Sang- 
leyes, ni qualesquier contratantes, agravio, molestia, ni vexacion, teniendo gran 
cuenta y cuidado con su buen tratamiento, y despacho, y de castigar 4 quien los 
ofendiere, 6 agraviare." Ley 10. 

' Recopilacidn, lib. 5, tit. 3, ley 24. 

* Recopilacidn, lib. 2, tit. 15, ley 55. 

' Instructions for Governor Tello, B. and R., vol. 9, p. 252. Recopilacidn, lib. 9, 
tit. 45, ley 3, entitled: "Que el Gobernador, y Audiencia de Filipinas provean 
quien visite las Naos de los Chinos, que all! Uegaren." Bishop Salazar wrote in 
1583 that the prices of Chinese goods had quadrupled because of the scarcity due 



THE CHINESE IN THE PHILIPPINES 217 

from the Chinese vessels and substituting inferior ones, with which 
it was impossible to make the return voyage.^ The Chinese re- 
sorted to just what was expected of them, — wholesale bribery, — - 
and the atmosphere of deceit and suspicion generated was un- 
favorable to the peaceful prosecution of trading relations. In 
the hands of the alcaldes mayores, the requirement that Chinese 
hold licenses of residence was a pretext for the frequent exaction 
of money for the renewal of these licenses.^ The Spaniards 
believed that the merchant class, with their interest in order, 
could be depended on to show a passive endurance of these vex- 
ations, but the great mass of those who flocked to the islands in 
the train of the traders were a more uncertain and inflammable 
element in the situation.^ 

On one side, the confidence of numbers and discontent at very 
real grievances, and on the other, superior race pride and a panicky 
fear made collision almost inevitable. Chinese conspiracies and 
sudden risings, accompanied by loot and massacre, quickly fol- 
lowed by sanguinary repression by the small but effective Spanish 
force, and later by expulsion en masse of the Sangley remnant make 
up much of the history of the two races in the islands.* The 
Spanish terror of the descent on Manila of an overwhelming force 
from the Chinese mainland was in a measure justified by such 
events as the early sacking of Manila by Limahon,^ the mysterious 
visit of the three Mandarins and the hoax of the hill of gold in 
1594,^ the killing of Governor Gomez Perez Dasmarinas by the 

to the dislike of the Chinese to come to Manila, where they were subject to 
"annoying restrictions." B. and R., vol. 5, p. 39. 

' Recopilacidn, lib. 6, tit. 18, ley 10. "Hemos sido informado que los Indios 
Sangleyes, que vienen & Filipinas d contratar desde la China, reciben agravios y malos 
tratamientos de los Espanoles." 

* In 1628 a heathen Chinaman was legally required to pay sixty-four reals, or 
eight pesos for permission to remain in the islands, besides five reals as tribute, 
and twelve reals as house tax. King to Audiencia, June 8, 1628, A. de I., 105— 
2-12. "Se han aumentado los Chinos, por codicia de los ocho pesos que cada uno 
paga por la licencia." Recopilacidn, lib. 6, tit. 18, ley 1. 

5 Twenty-four Chinese merchants in a protest against an expulsion decree, said 
that the Chinese risings had been limited to the lower classes. "Los que se han 
sublovado han sido Sangleyes bagamundos y holgazanes, que los de trato y oficios 
nunca han cooperado en ello." They declared that the first risings had originated 
among Chinese who had left China in a time of confusion of Tartar and intestine 
wars and had sought to found an independent state in other parts, — a frequent 
motive of Viking attacks. C. 1687, A. de I., 108-3-17. 

* Anda says there were fourteen risings in the history of the islands. Anda to 
Arriaga, July 7, 1768, A. de I., 67-3-34. 

<- Andr6s de Mirandaola to the King, May 30, 1576, A. de I., 67-3-34. 
,V • These three Chinese, who came to Manila — so they said — to investigate 



f 



218 THE PACIFIC OCEAN IN HISTORY 

rowers of his galley, and the threatening movements of the great 
pirate armament of Coxinga in 1662.^ The withdrawal of most of 
the forces for operations against the Dutch often left the Span- 
ish population in the city at the mercy of the Chinese. It was 
under such circumstances that the terrible rising of 1603 occurred,^ 

During these times of stress and interruption of the peaceful 
intercourse of the two peoples, the galleon trade would decline to 
very low proportions or even to temporary cessation. It was 
thus in one sense the barometer of conditions in the Philippines. 
On the other hand, the depression of the commerce, due to 
losses of galleons or a momentarily diminished demand in the 
American market, caused serious discontent among the Chinese 
in Manila.^ 

Unable to adjust peacefully the relations of the two races, the 
Spaniards resorted to the radical measures of expulsion and 
exclusion,^ but the frequent repetition of this expedient shows 
what a temporary resource it was. The fears of the Spaniards 
quieted for the moment, the Chinese would begin to return, often 
welcomed by the Spaniards themselves. For the latter recognized 
the economic dependence of the colony on harmonious intercourse 
with the Chinese.^ After the bloody rising and reprisals of 1603, 

a mountain of gold, were reported to be forerunners of a great attack from China. 
Hieronimo de Salazar y Salcedo to the King, July 5, 1603, B. and R., vol. 12, p. 83. 

1 On this occasion the Spaniards abandoned their last port in the Moluccas to 
augment the forces for the defence of Manila. 

2 Governor Acuna to the King, December 18, 1603, B. and R., vol.12, p. 153. In 
1621 the fleet could not quit Manila Bay to fight the Dutch, for fear of leaving 
the city unprotected against internal risings. Real Cddula, December 31, 1622, 
A. de I., 68-3-19. 

3 " La falta del comercio y espanoles ocasiono a los Sdngleyes su levantamiento." 
City to the King, 1643, A. de I., 67-6-28. 

* Expediente sobre la espulsion de los Sangleyes; 168J,-1744< A. de I., 68-5-16; 
Espediente y autos sobre la conversion y reducion de los Indios infieles y sublevacion 
de los Sangleyes; 1747-1751, A. de I., 107-2-26. There is a great mass of material 
in a 934 page document in the former legajo (68-5-16), entitled : Traslado autentico 
de la Ri Zidula de SO de Mayo de 1734, ^n giie su Mag^ previene y manda se forme 
una junta, en la que se Irate y proponga las providencias que se devieren dar en drden 
d la expulzion de Sangleyes, con las diligenas executad'^? sobre su cumplimiento y auto 
mandado acomular d dha. Real Zedula. 

'The Audiencia informed the King, June 18, 1695, that it was impossible to 
expel the Chinese totally, in accordance with the c6dula of November 14, 1686. 
" Absolutamente son los Sangleyes quienes mantienen las yslas por ser ellos en 
quienes recaen todas las cargas consexiles de abastos, mercancia y oficios por ser 
tan intitiles los naturales de las yslas que solo se inclinan & la ociosidad." The 
Chinese, they say, seem to have been born with an "especial influxo de habilidad 
para todo." A. de I., 68-5-16. The Frenchman, Mallat, declaring that the ex- 
clusion ordinances had never been enforced, said: "II ya bien des gens qui les 
(the Chinese) croient necessaire d Manille, et quisontd'avis que i'onnepourrait pas 
passer d'eux." Mallat, Les Philippines, vol. 2, p. 144. The Chinese well knew how 



THE CHINESE IN THE PHILIPPINES 219 

Governor Acufia feared that the Chinese would not come again 
to Manila, "which," he declared, "would be of irreparable damage 
to this commonwealth." ^ Enlightened officials, like Hernando 
de los Rios Coronel and Antonio de Morga, the latter of whom 
expelled twelve thousand in 1596, acknowledged that the city 
could not be maintained or preserved without the Sangleys.^ 
After the expulsion of 1755, the Frenchman, Le Gentil said: "I 

/ did not know any Spaniards in Manila who did not sincerely re- 

l gret the departure of the Chinese and who did not frankly admit 

! that the Philippines would suffer for it." ^ 

1 Religious influences, too, played their part in the expulsions, 
especially as they were dictated from the peninsula, but deporta- 
tion for such motives was not favored by the lay population in 
the islands.^ There was a conflict of interests here, for the main- 
essential they were to the material welfare of the islands. Memorial of twenty- 
four Chinese of Manila to the Governor (1687), A. de I., 68-1-25. 

1 Governor Acufia to the King, December 18, 1603, A. de I., 67-6-7. Acufia 
wrote later: "this commonwealth has been greatly consoled at seeing that the 
Chinese have chosen to continue the commerce of which we were much in doubt." 
Acuna to the King, July 15, 1604, B. and R., vol. 13, p. 223. 

2 Rios Coronel to the King, B. and R., vol. 18, p. 308. Morga, Sucesos, B. and 
R., vol. 16, p. 195. Morga adds : "for they are the mechanics in all trades, and are 
excellent workmen, and work for suitable prices." 

jf 'Le Gentil, "Voyage," B. and R., vol. 51, p. 231. A remarkable feature of these 
/racial difficulties is the singular indifference displayed by the Chinese government 
jin the face of the maltreatment of its subjects, who left the Empire. They were 
iheld as ingrates, or even as traitors, to their country, and as such could expect no 
Vedress for persecution endured. Concepcion, Historia, vol. 4, p. 62. This atti- 
tude was in marked contrast to that of the Japanese government which was quick 
to demand explanations and reparation for the harsh treatment of its subjects. 
In 1605 the " Visitador-General" of the province of Chincheo tried to arouse the 
Emperor to avenge the massacre of "30,000" Chinese in the rising of two years 
before. However, the lethargy and pacific inertia of the huge empire, the strong 
stand taken by Acufia, and the sending of an embassy which flattered, while it 
impressed, warded off whatever danger there may have been. The letter of the 
Chinese official and Acuna's reply are in the A. de I., 67-6-7. Recommending 
the vigorous enforcement of the expulsion decrees, the president of the Council 
declared that the Chinese resided in the Philippines against the prohibition of 
their own emperor. December 16, 1743, A. de I., 68-5-16. The oidor, Pedro 
Calderon Enriquez, said that the Emperor of China could not object to the expul- 
sion of Chinese, for the exclusion policy followed toward foreigners in China only 
justified like treatment of the Chinese in the Philippines. Calderon Enriquez to 
the Governor, June 16, 1741, A. de I., 68-5-16. Berthold Laufer says, however, 
that the Chinese adopted their policy of exclusiveness from the Spaniards ; and 
the rigor with which Spain kept foreigners from her dominions certainly shows 
that the Spanish could learn little from the Chinese in this regard. Laufer, The 
I Relations of the Chinese to the Philippine Islands, p. 266. "The Spanish system 
I of treating the Chinese became the model of the Chinese in their treatment of 
Iforeigners." 

^ A royal cedula of November 14, 1686, ordered all Chinese to be expelled within 
two months if they did not accept Christianity and promise to remain Christians, — 
not a serious hindrance to a Chinaman's continued residence in the islands. A. de 
I., 68-5-16. 



220 THE PACIFIC OCEAN IN HISTORY 

tenance of communications betAveen China and the PhiHppines 
was very essential to the propagation of missionary work in the 
former country. On the other hand, the alleged vices of the 
Chinese made them in the eyes of some Spaniards a grave moral 
menace, and their obdurate heresy or frivolous conversion set a 
bad example to the native Filipinos.^ 

In the two centuries in which the Spaniards' interest had been 
engrossed by the galleon commerce the Chinese had so completely 
monopolized the trades and retail business of the colony that the 
Spaniards who wished to enter these lines of work in the latter 
half of the eighteenth century found the competition of the Ori- 
ental a barrier to success.^ This was all the more serious in that the 

1 "La riqueza que les facilita el comercio, el vicio de luxuria que generalmente 
reyna entre ellos, y su demasiada malicia y havilidad cauaan gravisimos danos." 
Pedro Calderon Enriquez to the King, July 10, 1741, A. de I., 68-5-16. The 
report of the oidor, drawn up after a tour of inspection among the provinces, is 
one of the most valuable documents for the study of the Chinese in the islands. 
It is dated June 16, 1741, and was directed to the governor, A. de I., 68-5-16. 
"Su gobierno en el estado presente es d derecho divino nada conforme, y d las leyes, 
ordenanzas y cedulas reales, expressamente contrario." Ibid. A memorial of the 
oidor Diego Calderon Serrano, written April 10, 1677, and reviewed by the Council, 
September 20, 1686, insists on the evil influence of the Chinese over the natives. 
He charges the former with inviting and even forcing the natives to eat meat on 
fast days, of dissuading them from hearing mass or sermons, and ordering them to 
work on feast days, "without the least regard for the things of the other life, or 
for God or his law." A. de I., 68-5-16. The Audiencia said of their Christianity 
in 1695: "Aunque no fueran muy buenos Christianas, produzen muy buenos 
Catolicos y leales Vasallos de Vuestra Magested." Audiencia to the King, June 18, 
1695. A. de I., 68-5-16. A royal cedula of 1744, ordering the absolute expulsion 
of all heathen Chinese, accused the Chinese, among other things, of "idolatry and 
atheism, lasciviousness and sodomy, astuteness, vivacity and artifice, usury and 
deceit." Real Cedula, July 23, 1744, A. de I., 68-6-15. The remark of a Jesuit 
friar stationed in China is worth quoting, as illustrating the recognition of the 
worth of the Chinese race by those better acquainted with their civilization. Writ- 
ing to Juan Bautista Roman, the Spanish factor at Macao, he said : "Es cosa de 
admiracion que esta gente que jamas tubo comercio con la de Europa aya alcanzado 
casi tanto por si proprios." Relacion de Juan Bautista Romdn, factor de las 
islas filipinas en Macao (1584), A. de I., 67-6-29. 

Although ley 34, titulo 45, libro 9, of the Recopilacidn forbade trade with 
China from the Philippines, the King granted permission for such trade in 1690, 
in view of Governor Vargas Hurtado's representations that such a line was neces- 
sary for the perpetuation of Christian missions in China. Real C6dula, September 
23, 1690, A. de I., 67-6-26. 

As to the possible effect of exclusion on conversion, the Audiencia remarked in 
1695 that if the Chinese were forced to be mere transient traders, who yearly come 
and go with the monsoons, their conversion would be difficult on account of their 
lack of fixed habitation. They add: "Porque quien anda de viage siempre coje 
las cosas de ligero, y rara vez de asiento." Ut supra. 

2 "Los Chinos quitaban las utilidades que podian tener los naturales de las 
mismas islas, y los Espanoles que residlan en ellas, por exercer los mencionados 
Sangleyes todas las Artes, y oficios mecdnicos de la Republica." Ibid. Pedro 
Gonzdlez de Ribera and others to the Governor, June 30, 1729, A. de I., 68-5-16. 

A memorial signed by leading Spaniards of Manila, including Governor Vera, 
petitioned the Council to forbid the Chinese remaining in Manila to retail their 
goods. This business, they said, should be in the hands of the Spaniards. (July 
26), 1586, B. and R., vol. 6, p. 168. These recommendations were incorporated in the 



THE CHINESE IN THE PHILIPPINES 221 

galleon trade itself was at this time controlled by a few affluent 
merchants. As a result, those who were thrown between the 
two monopolies clamored for the expulsion and exclusion of the 
Chinese as the only means of restoring industrial opportunity. 
The foremost advocate of this policy was Simon de Anda y Salazar, 
one of the ablest, and certainly the most aggressive, of the gov- 
ernors of the period of revival.^ Anda favored not only the 
absolute expulsion of the Chinese, gentiles and Christians, but 
even of those Spaniards who should oppose such a move. He 
names as the influences against expulsion the few wealthier Span- 
ish merchants, interested solely in the galleon trade, the regulars 
and the governors. The position of the first, who were largely 
dependent on the Chinese for their purchases for the galleons, is 
easily understood. The regular clergy found in the Sangleys a 
rich field for conversion, which Anda declares to have been a large 
source of revenue. He says that when the order came for the 
\ expulsion of all heathen Chinese in Arandia's time, two friars 
baptized four hundred Chinamen in one day. The Chinese had 
/also served as "a most abundant milk cow for the government." 
Unscrupulous governors had levied contributions on the Sangley 
population, while holding over their heads the threat of expulsion, 
— the old resource of medieval rulers with the Jews. By sys- 
tematic "adulation and subornation" of the governor, Anda 
continues, the pliant Chinese had defeated the purpose of several 
orders for expulsion sent out from Madrid. He reiterates the old 
arguments against the presence of the Sangleys. They were a 
standing menace to the Spanish community, even to the point of 
designing the seizure of the islands. Their "masquerading" 
as Christians was a scandal to Christendom,^ and the religious 
practices of those who persisted in paganism were abhorrent to 

instructioas given to Governor G6mez P6rez Daamarinas three years later. B. and 
R.,vol. 7, p. 154. 

' Anda's views are vigorously set forth in a long bound memorial apparently 
directed to Julian de Arriaga, first Minister of the Indies, written in Madrid, July 7, 
1768, after his first term as Governor of the islands. A. de I., 108-3-17. 

2 "He visto 6n Manila & Dios y d Belial juntos en un altar, mano & mano, y muy 
amigos." As evidence of the insincerity of the conversions, "en rebanos," Anda 
cites the relapse of the Chinese during the English occupation. "Todos aposta- 
taron (si assi se puede decir de quien recibe el bautismo sin intencion), todos adoraron 
la Caveza del Puerco, la Serpiente, el Confucio, y otras Sabandijas de este tenor." 
In 1699 the archbishop accuses the insincerity of the Christianity of the Chinese. 
Archbishop to the King, June 8, 1699, A. de I., 68-5-16. 



222 THE PACIFIC OCEAN IN HISTORY 

the governor who, if sometimes anti-clerical in action, was ortho- 
dox in belief. 

It was utterly untrue, Anda protested, that the welfare of the 
islands depended on the Chinese.^ However, the positive feature 
of his scheme was the creation of an exclusively Spanish industrial 
community. The necessary preliminary to this was naturally the 
definitive adoption of the old expulsion-exclusion policy. On 
his first entrance into office as governor, a petition against the 
Chinese had been presented by "those Spaniards who wish to 
work in order to live." Henceforth, this large element, hitherto 
an object of charity and in a state closely bordering on vaga- 
bondage, — though they had once held a place in the galleon 
traffic, — found a spokesman in the governor. They had no 
part in the existing economic regime, but once the Spaniards were rid 
of the Chinese, they could take their places as shopkeepers and 
could make up the personnel of Spanish business houses.^ Dur- 
ing the former fitful periods of exclusion such a condition had 
momentarily existed, only to disappear with the restoration of 
the Orientals. As for the trades, now filled by Chinese workmen, 
the natives — and such Spaniards as wished — could take their 
place. For those who shipped cargoes in the galleons to Acapulco, 
the Chinese might come each year to Manila, sell their goods under 
the restrictions of the old sixteenth century law, and catch the 
returning monsoon for the Chinese coast. Or better still, Span- 
ish merchants might send factors to Macao and Canton as did 
other European traders, and later despatch Spanish owned shops 
to carry the consignments to Manila for the galleons. The next 
year after Anda presented his memorial to Arriaga, the Ministro 
General, the order of expulsion was put into execution. In 1778, 
two years after Anda's death, and during the governorship of 
Basco y Vargas, the Chinese were permitted to return to Manila. 

1 Concerning the deportation by Arandla in 1755, Foreman, The Philippine 
Islands, 282, says: "Trade became stagnant. The Philippines now experienced 
what Spain had felt since the reign of Philip III, when the expulsion of 900,000 
Moorish agriculturists and artisans crippled her home industries, which it took a 
century and a half to revive. The Acapulco trade was fast on the wane and the 
Spanish elements were anxious to get the local trade into their hands." 

' "Son precisos comerciantes y caxeros 6 mancebos de mercader, para que arro- 
jados de una vez los Chinos (sin que quede uno) se ponga aqueal comercio como 
en Espafia y la America." 



n 



You are earnestly asked to hand this, 
after reading, to some other person who 
will also give it careful consideration. 



The Philippine Policy 



OF 



SECRETARY TAFT 



ANALYZED BY 



MOORFIELD STOREY 

(SECOND EDITION) 



ANTI-IMPERIALIST LEAGUE 1 



20 Central Street, Boston